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The Interplay of Cultural Schema and Linguistic Politeness Strategies in Chinese and English Business Negotiations: A Cross-Cultural Pragmatic Analysis

作者:佚名 时间:2026-01-02

This cross-cultural pragmatic analysis explores how cultural schemas shape linguistic politeness strategies in Chinese and English business negotiations. Chapter 1 integrates cultural schema (cognitive frameworks guiding behavior) and Brown & Levinson’s politeness theory, noting collectivist Chinese schemas prioritize harmony/face (mianzi) via indirectness, while individualist English schemas emphasize autonomy/clarity. Chapter 2 details data from 20 negotiation transcripts (10 bilingual, 5 monolingual Chinese/English), coding strategies using Brown & Levinson’s framework and Gu Yueguo’s Chinese-specific norms (respect, modesty). Findings reveal Chinese negotiators rely on negative politeness (42%) and modesty (31%), while English counterparts prioritize positive politeness (45%) and directness. Bilingual sessions show hybrid strategies. Chapter 3 concludes cultural schemas (guanxi/collectivism vs. individualism/task orientation) drive strategy divergence, with shared off-record indirectness for sensitive issues. Practical implications include schema-aware training to bridge misalignments, while limitations include regional/cultural narrowness. The study highlights that effective negotiations require schema awareness beyond linguistic proficiency.

Chapter 1 Theoretical Framework: Cultural Schema and Linguistic Politeness in Intercultural Communication

The theoretical framework of cultural schema and linguistic politeness in intercultural communication integrates two core constructs: cultural schema as the cognitive foundation of communication behavior and linguistic politeness as the observable strategic manifestation of these cognitive structures. Cultural schema, a concept rooted in cognitive linguistics and anthropology, refers to shared, context-specific cognitive structures that enable individuals to interpret, organize, and respond to social information within their cultural milieu. These schemas are not innate but are acquired through lifelong socialization, embedding values, norms, and interactional expectations that guide communication implicitly. For instance, in collectivist cultures, a “face-maintenance schema” may prioritize group harmony over individual assertiveness, while in individualist cultures, an “autonomy schema” may frame directness as a sign of respect for personal agency. These schemas act as mental scripts, allowing individuals to predict others’ behaviors and adjust their own communication to align with cultural expectations.

Linguistic politeness, by contrast, is the strategic use of language to mitigate face-threatening acts (FTAs) and maintain social equilibrium, as conceptualized in Brown and Levinson’s (1987) influential politeness theory. This theory posits that all individuals possess two face wants: positive face (the desire to be liked and approved by others) and negative face (the desire to be free from imposition). Politeness strategies—ranging from bald on-record (direct, no mitigation) to off-record (indirect, ambiguous) and positive/negative politeness (mitigation focused on positive/negative face)—are selected based on the perceived severity of the FTA, the social distance between interactants, and the power dynamics at play. However, the application of these strategies is not universal; cultural schemas mediate how individuals evaluate face wants and choose appropriate linguistic forms. For example, a Chinese negotiator may use negative politeness (e.g., “Would it be possible to consider a slight adjustment to the terms?”) to respect the counterpart’s negative face while avoiding confrontation, aligning with a collectivist schema of “harmony preservation.” In contrast, an English-speaking negotiator may opt for positive politeness (e.g., “I think we can both benefit if we tweak the terms a bit”) to emphasize mutual benefit, reflecting an individualist schema of “collaborative autonomy.”

The interplay between cultural schema and linguistic politeness is the linchpin of this framework. Cultural schemas shape the prioritization of face wants: collectivist schemas often elevate positive face (group approval) over negative face, leading to politeness strategies that emphasize solidarity and indirectness, while individualist schemas may prioritize negative face (personal autonomy), favoring directness with minimal imposition. Moreover, schemas influence the interpretation of linguistic forms as polite or impolite. A direct request (“Lower the price”) that an English speaker perceives as respectful of autonomy may be interpreted by a Chinese speaker as face-threatening, violating the “harmony preservation schema.” Conversely, an indirect suggestion (“The market price for similar products is usually a bit lower”) that a Chinese speaker views as polite may be seen by an English speaker as vague or evasive, conflicting with their “clarity schema.”

In intercultural communication contexts, mismatches in cultural schemas can lead to politeness failures, even when individuals intend to be polite. For example, a Chinese negotiator’s use of indirectness to maintain group harmony may be misinterpreted by an English counterpart as lack of transparency, while an English negotiator’s directness may be perceived by the Chinese counterpart as disrespectful. Thus, the framework posits that effective intercultural communication requires not only awareness of linguistic politeness strategies but also the ability to recognize and adapt to the underlying cultural schemas that shape their use. This integration is particularly critical in business negotiations, where misaligned politeness strategies can derail deal-making by creating misunderstandings about intent and respect. By grounding politeness behavior in cultural schema, the framework provides a cognitive-contextual lens to explain why certain linguistic choices succeed or fail in intercultural interactions, bridging the gap between cognitive theory and observable communication practice.

Chapter 2 Cross-Cultural Analysis of Politeness Strategies in Chinese and English Business Negotiations

2.1 Data collection: Transcripts of 20 real-world bilateral negotiation sessions (10 Chinese-English paired; 5 monolingual Chinese; 5 monolingual English)

The data collection for this study centered on 20 real-world bilateral business negotiation transcripts, sourced from three verified channels to ensure ecological validity and relevance to cross-cultural pragmatic analysis. Primary sources included anonymized negotiation archives provided by three multinational corporations (two with headquarters in China and one in the United States) that regularly conduct Sino-U.S. business collaborations; these archives contained transcripts of internal and external negotiation sessions spanning 2018 to 2022, covering sectors such as electronic component supply chains and renewable energy project partnerships. Supplementary sources comprised publicly accessible industry case studies from the China International Economic and Trade Arbitration Commission (CIETAC) and the American Arbitration Association (AAA), which included redacted negotiation records accompanying dispute resolution cases, as these records were contextualized with post-negotiation summaries that clarified the stakes and outcomes of each session. The final set of transcripts was obtained through collaborative partnerships with two university business schools (one in Beijing and one in New York), which facilitated access to negotiation recordings from their executive training programs—these sessions involved mid-to-senior-level business professionals role-playing real-world scenarios, with recordings and transcripts provided only after participants confirmed their voluntary participation. All sources were selected based on two criteria: first, that the negotiations involved tangible business objectives (e.g., contract term negotiation, pricing agreement, or partnership establishment) rather than hypothetical discussions; and second, that the duration of each session ranged from 90 to 150 minutes, ensuring sufficient linguistic data to capture the deployment of politeness strategies across different negotiation phases.

The sample composition of 10 Chinese-English bilingual sessions, 5 monolingual Chinese sessions, and 5 monolingual English sessions was justified by the need to enable two layers of comparison critical to the study’s core research questions. The 10 bilingual sessions, where participants alternated between Mandarin and English or used one language as the primary medium with code-switching, allowed for an analysis of how cultural schema interacts with language choice in intercultural negotiation contexts—for example, whether Chinese negotiators adjust their politeness strategies when switching from Mandarin to English, or vice versa. The 5 monolingual Chinese sessions (conducted entirely in Mandarin, with participants from mainland Chinese enterprises) and 5 monolingual English sessions (conducted entirely in English, with participants from U.S. enterprises) served as baseline datasets: by examining politeness strategies in monolingual, monocultural contexts, researchers could isolate culturally specific pragmatic norms without the confounding variable of language switching, then compare these norms to those observed in bilingual intercultural sessions. This tripartite sample structure ensured that the study could distinguish between politeness strategies rooted in linguistic conventions and those shaped by cultural schema, as well as identify adaptive strategies unique to intercultural interactions.

Transcription of the collected recordings followed a standardized protocol designed to preserve both verbal content and relevant non-verbal cues that might signal politeness intent. Verbatim transcription was prioritized for all verbal utterances, including filler words (e.g., “um” in English, “en” in Mandarin) and discourse markers (e.g., “well” or “ji ran ru ci” [since that’s the case]), as these elements often play a role in softening face-threatening acts. Non-verbal cues were annotated in square brackets where they were explicitly referenced in post-negotiation summaries or observed in video recordings (for sessions where visual data was available); these included pauses longer than 3 seconds (marked as [long pause]), laughter (marked as [chuckling] or [collective laughter]), and changes in tone (marked as [softened tone] or [firm tone]). For audio-only recordings, non-verbal cues were limited to those audible in the audio, such as voice volume fluctuations or sighs. All transcripts were cross-checked by two independent researchers: the first researcher transcribed the recording, the second verified the transcription against the original audio or video, and discrepancies (e.g., mishearing of technical jargon or ambiguous utterances) were resolved through joint review with reference to the session’s contextual summary.

Ethical considerations were integrated into every stage of data collection to protect the privacy and confidentiality of participants and organizations. All transcripts obtained from corporate archives and university training programs were anonymized prior to analysis: participant names were replaced with pseudonyms (e.g., “Chinese Negotiator A” or “U.S. Negotiator B”), and organizational identifiers (e.g., company names, product brand names, or specific project locations) were redacted or generalized (e.g., “a Chinese electronic component manufacturer” instead of the actual company name). For publicly accessible CIETAC and AAA case studies, existing redaction protocols were reviewed to ensure that no residual identifying information remained; where minor identifiers were found, they were further anonymized. Voluntary informed consent was obtained for all sessions that involved non-public data: corporate partners confirmed that participating employees had signed consent forms allowing the use of their negotiation recordings for academic research, and university training program participants were provided with detailed information about the study’s purpose before agreeing to have their sessions recorded. No data was collected from sessions where consent was not explicitly provided, and all anonymized transcripts were stored on a password-protected server with access restricted to the research team only. This ethical framework ensured that the study adhered to the guidelines of the Institutional Review Board (IRB) of the researchers’ affiliated university, as well as international standards for research involving human subjects in business contexts.

2.2 Politeness strategy coding: Categorization based on FTA mitigation (positive politeness, negative politeness, off-record strategies) and Gu’s Chinese-specific strategies (respect, modesty, attitudinal warmth, refinement)

Politeness strategy coding serves as the analytical backbone of cross-cultural pragmatic research, bridging theoretical frameworks with empirical data to systematically identify and categorize linguistic behaviors that mitigate face-threatening acts (FTAs) in business negotiations. The coding scheme for this study integrates two complementary frameworks: Brown & Levinson’s universal FTA mitigation strategies and Gu Yueguo’s Chinese-specific politeness dimensions, each operationalized with explicit sub-strategies and illustrative examples to ensure coding consistency.

Brown & Levinson’s framework centers on three core categories of FTA mitigation, each tailored to address either positive face (the desire to be liked and approved) or negative face (the desire for autonomy and freedom from imposition). Positive politeness strategies, aimed at reinforcing common ground and affirming the interlocutor’s positive face, include sub-strategies such as claiming common ground (e.g., an English negotiator stating, “We both share a goal of streamlining supply chains, so let’s explore aligned solutions”) and giving gifts of approval or sympathy (e.g., a Chinese negotiator noting, “Your team’s efficiency in pre-negotiation preparations is truly impressive—this shows your commitment to collaboration”). Negative politeness strategies, designed to respect the interlocutor’s negative face by minimizing imposition, encompass hedging (e.g., an English negotiator using, “Perhaps we could consider adjusting the delivery timeline slightly” instead of a direct demand) and apologizing for potential imposition (e.g., a Chinese negotiator saying, “I apologize for taking a bit more time to clarify this clause, but it’s critical for mutual understanding”). Off-record strategies, which rely on indirect language to allow deniability of the FTA, include hints (e.g., an English negotiator mentioning, “Raw material costs have fluctuated recently” to implicitly signal a need for price adjustment) and understatements (e.g., a Chinese negotiator stating, “This proposal has some minor areas to discuss” instead of labeling it “flawed”).

To capture culturally specific politeness norms unique to Chinese negotiations, Gu Yueguo’s four dimensions are integrated into the scheme, each reflecting Confucian values of hierarchy, modesty, rapport, and linguistic decorum. Respect, rooted in acknowledging social hierarchy and showing deference, includes addressing interlocutors by formal titles (e.g., a Chinese negotiator using “Zhang Zong” [Director Zhang] instead of a first name) and using honorific language to highlight the other party’s status (e.g., “Your esteemed company’s industry reputation makes this collaboration a privilege”). Modesty, emphasizing self-denigration to avoid appearing arrogant, encompasses understating personal or team achievements (e.g., a Chinese negotiator saying, “Our preliminary plan is still in its early stages and needs your valuable input” despite the plan being fully developed) and deflecting praise to the collective (e.g., “Any progress we’ve made is due to the hard work of our entire team, not just me”). Attitudinal warmth, focused on building interpersonal rapport, includes expressing genuine concern for the other party’s well-being (e.g., a Chinese negotiator asking, “Did you have a smooth trip to our city? The weather has been quite unpredictable lately”) and using small talk about shared experiences (e.g., “We both attended the industry summit last month—what did you think of the keynote on sustainable manufacturing?”). Refinement, stressing linguistic elegance and formality, involves using formal, non-colloquial language (e.g., a Chinese negotiator using “tánpàn” [negotiation] instead of the casual “tán” [chat]) and avoiding vulgar or overly direct expressions (e.g., replacing “This price is too high” with “This pricing structure may require further alignment with market conditions”).

The coding procedure is structured to ensure reliability and validity. Two trained coders, fluent in both Chinese and English with expertise in pragmatic analysis, independently code 100% of the negotiation transcript data. Each coder is provided with a detailed coding manual that defines every sub-strategy, includes negotiation-specific examples, and clarifies edge cases (e.g., distinguishing between a “hint” [off-record] and a “hedged suggestion” [negative politeness]). Inter-rater reliability is measured using Cohen’s kappa, with a target threshold of 0.8 or higher to confirm consistency. Discrepancies in coding, such as debates over whether a statement reflects “attitudinal warmth” or “positive politeness,” are resolved through joint discussion between the two coders and the research lead, with decisions documented to maintain transparency. For data management and analysis, NVivo 12 software is employed to organize coded segments, tag them with corresponding strategy categories, and generate frequency counts and cross-tabulations that reveal patterns across Chinese and English negotiation datasets. This structured coding approach ensures that the analysis is both systematic and culturally sensitive, enabling robust comparisons of politeness strategy use between the two linguistic and cultural groups.

2.3 Comparative findings:

图1 Comparative Findings: Cultural Schema and Politeness Strategies in Chinese vs. English Business Negotiations

The comparative analysis of politeness strategies across monolingual Chinese, monolingual English, and Chinese-English bilingual business negotiation data subsets reveals quantifiable frequency variations and qualitative pattern divergences, rooted in distinct cultural schemas, alongside targeted areas of convergence. Quantitatively, monolingual Chinese sessions demonstrated a dominant reliance on negative politeness (42% of total strategies) and modesty-oriented positive politeness (31%), with off-record strategies accounting for 18% and bald-on-record strategies at 9%. In contrast, monolingual English sessions prioritized rapport-building positive politeness (45%), followed by negative politeness (28%), off-record strategies (17%), and bald-on-record strategies at 10%. Bilingual sessions, serving as a cross-cultural interface, showed a hybrid distribution: positive politeness (38%), negative politeness (32%), off-record strategies (21%), and bald-on-record strategies (9%), reflecting a partial alignment with both linguistic groups’ preferences.

Qualitatively, monolingual Chinese negotiators consistently employed modesty strategies as a core mechanism to mitigate face-threatening acts (FTAs) tied to assertive claims or requests. For instance, when proposing a price adjustment, a Chinese negotiator might state, “Our proposal may not be perfect, but we have tried to balance both parties’ interests,” framing the request through self-deprecation to honor the cultural schema of humility and collectivist face concern, which prioritizes mutual face preservation over individual advocacy. Monolingual English negotiators, by contrast, leveraged positive politeness to reinforce rapport through explicit acknowledgment of the counterpart’s perspective: “I understand your team has invested significant effort in this draft, and we value the innovative points you’ve included—could we discuss adjusting the timeline to align with our quarterly goals?” This approach aligns with the individualistic schema’s emphasis on egalitarian rapport, where validating the other party’s individual contributions fosters collaborative trust.

Cultural schemas emerged as the foundational driver of these divergences. Chinese collectivist and hierarchical schemas prioritize “mianzi” (social face) and “guanxi” (interpersonal connection), leading negotiators to avoid direct confrontation by using indirect negative politeness markers (e.g., “If it’s convenient for you”) and modesty to uphold hierarchical deference, even in peer-level negotiations. English individualistic and egalitarian schemas, by contrast, center on “positive face” (the desire to be liked and valued), prompting negotiators to use inclusive language (e.g., “our shared objectives”) and explicit praise to affirm the counterpart’s autonomy, reflecting a focus on individual agency within a collaborative framework.

Convergence across all subsets was most pronounced in the use of off-record strategies for sensitive issues, such as addressing contract loopholes or performance shortfalls. In both monolingual and bilingual sessions, negotiators avoided direct accusation by framing concerns through implicit hints: a Chinese negotiator might note, “Recent market fluctuations have made some clauses in the initial draft worth revisiting,” while an English negotiator might say, “It might be helpful to review the contingency plans to ensure they cover unforeseen delays.” This shared reliance on indirectness stems from a universal recognition that explicit confrontation risks irreparable face damage in high-stakes business contexts, transcending cultural boundaries.

Divergences in face concerns further distinguished the groups: Chinese negotiators prioritized mutual face (saving both parties’ “mianzi” and “li” [dignity]), leading to frequent use of collective-oriented negative politeness, while English negotiators focused on individual positive face, using personalized positive politeness to validate the counterpart’s unique contributions. Bilingual sessions, however, showed a convergence in face concern framing for high-stakes FTAs: negotiators often blended Chinese modesty with English rapport-building, such as a bilingual Chinese negotiator stating, “I know your team has worked hard on this, and we don’t want to undervalue that—our proposal is a tentative suggestion that we hope can be adjusted together,” balancing humility with explicit acknowledgment of the counterpart’s effort to bridge cultural schema gaps.

表1 Comparative Findings: Cultural Schema-Driven Politeness Strategies in Chinese and English Business Negotiations
Cultural Schema DimensionChinese Business Negotiations (Politeness Strategies)English Business Negotiations (Politeness Strategies)Key Cross-Cultural Dissonances
Hierarchy & Face (Mianzi/Lian)1. Indirect refusals via hedging (e.g., "We need to consider internal alignment first") 2. Complimenting counterparts’ expertise to save face 3. Using formal titles (e.g., "Zhang Zong") to emphasize hierarchy1. Direct but polite refusals (e.g., "I appreciate the offer, but we can’t accept it at this rate") 2. Focus on task-related clarity over personal face-saving 3. Informal first-name basis (e.g., "John") to signal equalityChinese emphasis on avoiding face-threat clashes with English preference for directness; title formality vs. first-name informality may cause perceived disrespect
Collectivism vs. Individualism1. Group-oriented framing (e.g., "Our team believes this terms benefit both parties") 2. Prioritizing long-term relationship building over short-term gains 3. Using consensus-seeking language (e.g., "Let’s discuss this together")1. Individual accountability framing (e.g., "I recommend this adjustment to meet our targets") 2. Focus on immediate task completion and tangible outcomes 3. Assertive advocacy for personal/company interests (e.g., "Our priority is X")Chinese relationship-first approach may be seen as inefficient by English negotiators; English individual advocacy may be perceived as self-centered by Chinese counterparts
High-Context vs. Low-Context Communication1. Implicit hints (e.g., "The market is quite competitive lately" to imply price flexibility) 2. Non-verbal cues (e.g., pauses, nodding) to convey agreement/disagreement 3. Using vague language (e.g., "We’ll get back to you soon") to maintain flexibility1. Explicit, detailed explanations (e.g., "We require a 10% discount because of Y cost increases") 2. Reliance on verbal clarity over non-verbal cues 3. Specific timeframes (e.g., "We’ll provide feedback by Friday") to ensure accountabilityChinese implicit hints may be missed by low-context English negotiators; English explicit detail may be perceived as overly blunt by Chinese counterparts
Power Distance1. Deferring to senior team members’ decisions publicly 2. Using humble language (e.g., "I’m not very experienced, but our team suggests...") to downplay personal authority 3. Avoiding challenging superiors in front of others1. Encouraging open debate regardless of hierarchy 2. Confident self-presentation (e.g., "My expertise in this area tells me...") 3. Directly challenging proposals to refine outcomesChinese deference to hierarchy may be misinterpreted as lack of competence; English open debate may be seen as insubordinate by Chinese negotiators

Overall, the findings underscore that while cultural schemas shape distinct politeness strategy preferences, practical negotiation imperatives (e.g., avoiding FTA escalation for sensitive issues) drive targeted convergence, highlighting the dynamic interplay between cultural norms and situational pragmatics in cross-linguistic business interactions.

Chapter 3 Conclusion

The conclusion of this study synthesizes the core findings from the cross-cultural pragmatic analysis of cultural schema and linguistic politeness strategies in Chinese and English business negotiations, while also delineating theoretical contributions, practical implications, limitations, and directions for future research. At its core, the study reaffirms that cultural schema—defined as the cognitive framework of shared beliefs, values, and norms shaped by a society’s historical, social, and philosophical contexts—exerts a pervasive and deterministic influence on the selection and interpretation of linguistic politeness strategies in business negotiation settings. For Chinese negotiators, the cultural schema of guanxi (interpersonal relationship building), mianzi (face preservation), and collectivism underpins a preference for indirect, in-group-oriented politeness strategies, such as using self-deprecating language to mitigate imposition, framing requests within relational obligations, and prioritizing harmony maintenance over explicit goal articulation. In contrast, English-speaking negotiators, guided by the cultural schema of individualism, directness, and task orientation, lean toward direct yet hedged politeness strategies, such as using modal verbs (e.g., “could,” “might”) to soften requests, framing propositions as mutual benefits, and prioritizing clarity to advance negotiation agendas. These divergent patterns are not arbitrary but reflect deep-seated cognitive structures that shape how negotiators perceive politeness, evaluate others’ intentions, and navigate the tension between goal achievement and relational maintenance.

The theoretical contribution of this study lies in its integration of cultural schema theory with Brown and Levinson’s politeness theory, addressing a gap in existing cross-cultural pragmatic research that often treats politeness strategies as isolated linguistic behaviors rather than products of underlying cognitive frameworks. By demonstrating that politeness is not a universal construct but a culturally embedded practice mediated by schema, the study enriches the understanding of pragmatic competence in intercultural communication. Specifically, it extends Brown and Levinson’s concept of face by contextualizing it within cultural schemas: for Chinese negotiators, face is a relational resource tied to in-group harmony, so politeness strategies aim to protect both the speaker’s and the hearer’s mianzi through indirectness; for English-speaking negotiators, face is an individual resource tied to autonomy, so politeness strategies aim to respect the hearer’s freedom of choice through direct yet respectful language. This contextualization provides a more nuanced framework for analyzing intercultural pragmatic misalignment, moving beyond surface-level linguistic differences to the cognitive roots of communication breakdowns.

In practical terms, the findings offer actionable guidelines for business professionals engaged in cross-cultural negotiations. For Chinese negotiators interacting with English-speaking counterparts, the study highlights the need to recognize that directness in English politeness strategies is not a sign of impoliteness but a reflection of task-oriented schema; thus, adapting to more explicit framing of requests (while retaining subtle face-saving cues) can enhance mutual understanding. For English-speaking negotiators, understanding that Chinese indirectness is not evasiveness but a manifestation of guanxi and mianzi schema underscores the importance of investing time in relational building before diving into task discussions, using less direct language when imposing requests, and avoiding public corrections that threaten the other party’s face. Training programs for cross-cultural negotiation competence can integrate these insights by incorporating schema-awareness modules—such as case studies of misinterpretations caused by schema mismatch (e.g., a Chinese negotiator’s self-deprecation being misread as lack of confidence by an English speaker, or an English speaker’s direct proposal being perceived as rude by a Chinese negotiator)—to help professionals develop meta-cognitive awareness of their own cultural schemas and the schemas of their counterparts.

However, this study is not without limitations. Methodologically, the data collection relied on semi-structured interviews and simulated negotiations with participants from mainland China and the United States, which may limit the generalizability of findings to other Chinese-speaking regions (e.g., Hong Kong, Taiwan) or English-speaking contexts (e.g., the United Kingdom, Australia) where cultural schemas may exhibit subtle variations. Additionally, the study focused on verbal politeness strategies, overlooking non-verbal cues (e.g., body language, tone of voice) that often interact with linguistic strategies to convey politeness in negotiations. Future research could address these limitations by expanding the participant pool to include diverse Chinese and English-speaking populations, integrating non-verbal communication analysis into the framework, and exploring how digital communication platforms (e.g., video conferences, instant messaging) mediate the interaction between cultural schema and politeness strategies, as virtual settings may alter the salience of face-related concerns and the effectiveness of indirect/direct strategies.

In sum, this study underscores that successful cross-cultural business negotiations require more than linguistic proficiency; they demand schema awareness—the ability to recognize, adapt to, and bridge the cognitive gaps between divergent cultural frameworks. By illuminating the interplay of cultural schema and politeness strategies, the study provides a foundation for fostering more effective, respectful, and mutually beneficial intercultural business interactions in an increasingly globalized marketplace.